Saami dictionary-making: preserving indigenous Finno-Ugric languages of the Kola peninsula. (2024)

Introduction

The Eastern Saami languages spoken in Russia can be divided intotwo groups: the mainland group (Skolt Saami, Akkala Saami) and thepeninsula group (Kildin Saami, Ter Saami) (Sammallahti 1998 : 26). TheKildin Saami language has the greatest number of speakers and serves asthe basis for the Kola Saami alphabet.

According to current research on the local sociolinguisticsituation (Ivanishcheva 2014), the Kola Saami languages are criticallyendangered. The reasons for this are the loss of traditional Saamitrades and ways of life, the dispersion of the Saami, the lack ofeducation, there being no demand for Saamis to use the Kola Saamilanguages among themselves.

When compared to the situation of other indigenous minoritylanguages in northern Russia, that of the Kola Saami languages isparticular. On the one hand, it is quite common to hear the statementthat the Kola Saami languages are dying. On the other hand, there is areal revival of ethnic consciousness and this gives the Kola Saamisconfidence that a movement to revitalize the Kola Saami languages willlead to some notable results. According to the 2010 census ([TEXT NOTREPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] 2010), 1,771 Saamis live in Russia (urbanpopulation 787, rural population 984), of which 1,599 live in theMurmansk region. Despite administrative measures, a serious legal base,and a system of cooperation between public organizations and theauthorities that has been developed, the results of policies related tothe Kola Saami languages have been quite insufficient. In my opinion,the main point that should be taken into account in a policy aimed atpreserving and reviving the Kola Saami languages is the need to changethe status of the language. This will increase the number of peoplestudying the language, and will raise their motivation to do so. Thefactors that create the status for a language are its function, how itis used in society, and so on. These become real measures in the eyes ofthe Saami public and the researchers dealing with the problems of theKola Saami languages. It is necessary to expand the domestic use of theKola Saami languages by means of creating real functional languagegroups, to create workplaces where the Kola Saami languages are used,and to increase the use of the Kola Saami languages in the mass media.These measures have, of course, to be carried out in parallel with aprocess of training people in the Kola Saami languages. Thus the statetoo has to accept additional obligations.

The paper consists of two sections. The first section introducesthe contemporary Kola Saami bilingual lexicography. The second sectionpresents the results of my own research and lexicographical work--thedictionaries of Saami spiritual culture and of Saami traditional tradesand husbandry ([TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] 2013; [TEXT NOTREPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] 2014).

1.2. Research subject and approaches

In this article I will examine the contemporary situation that hasevolved alongside the Kola Saami lexicography. I emphasize theimportance of representing the culture of indigenous people in KolaSaami dictionaries. I have tried to show that, in connection with thelanguages of indigenous minorities (dying languages), an orientationtowards the cumulative language function is a more useful perspectivethan a focus on the communicative function. The dictionaries discussedbring to the forefront the epistemological function of a dictionary dueto the specificity of their users who are bearers of the Saami culturebut have no command of the Saami language presented in the dictionary. Iam convinced that modern Kola Saami lexicography should be studied fromthe following perspective: presence or absence of cultural elements in adictionary. The conviction is based on the understanding that culturalinformation related to realia is an absolutely necessary part of theKola Saami dictionary definition. When taking into account the culturalvalue of a feature, the description of a piece of realia in a dictionaryshould contain the following elements: a) attributes (appearance,components, traditions); b) estimation (positive or negative); c)historical importance (time of usage, actions); d) social status(functions); e) function (purpose, role); f) popularity or unpopularityof an element of realia; g) symbolic meaning.

Resources and techniques

The methodological basis of this research is the anthropocentricapproach (KapaynoB 2002; [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] 1995; [TEXTNOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] 2001a) and the notion of anthropocentriclexicography (1990) with is orientation towards user interests ([TEXTNOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] 2004). One of the areas of interest forcontemporary practical lexicography is orientation towards the user ofthe dictionary, which is theoretically based on addressing his cognitivebase. The research methods used in the present work are analysis ofdefinitions and the descriptive method.

The research also used some methods of sociolinguistics, such asfield study, questionnaires, written surveys and interviews, an expertsurvey, and a biographical approach (a case study used to examinecontemporary real life). In my research I also used the Saami archivesand libraries of the Murmansk region.

1. Contemporary Kola Saami lexicography: Dictionaries of thelanguage

Contemporary Kola Saami lexicography is represented by threebilingual dictionaries: two Saami-Russian dictionaries (CPC 1985;AHTOHOBa 2014), and a Saami-Russian and Russian-Saami dictionary (KepT1986). There is also a dictionary developed by the Saami LanguageTechnology Centre, Giellatekno, at the University of Tromso, Norway(gtweb.uit.no/webdict/) and the online Saami dictionary(http://slovari.saami.su/elektronnyj-saamskij-slovar-prilozhenie.htmlwhich is based on the dictionaries CPC and KepT 1986).

All those dictionaries are based on the Kildin Saami language,which is the basis of written Kola Saami languages, but differ in theirpurpose, the volume and content of their glossary, and the presence orabsence of cultural commentary, as well as in the content of culturalcommentary, if available.

The dictionary CPC, which reflects the state of the Kildin Saamilanguage in the mid-1980s, contains 8,000 entries and is intended forspecialists in Finno-Ugric languages and ethnography as well as forothers interested in Saami languages. It was created by a team ofauthors who were native speakers of the Kildin Saami language, and waspublished by the academic publishing house Russkij jazyk. This was thefirst dictionary and contains the most 'basic vocabulary' ofthe language. This vocabulary is considered by the authors to be thebasis of a standard Kola Saami language. That is why this dictionarycould be regarded as an academic effort.

The dictionary by G. Kert (KepT 1986) contains about 4,000 entriesand is intended for primary school children. The author's aim isthat students using this learner's translation dictionary shouldsuccessfully master both the native (Kola Saami) and Russian languages.Kert's dictionary is pedagogical and represents the vocabulary usedin textbooks for primary schools that existed in the mid-1980s.

The dictionary CPC has a certain number of words borrowed from orthat have come via Russian, but Kert's dictionary, according to theauthor, only includes those which are political terms and some basicvocabulary for educational purposes.

Antonova's dictionary (AHTOHOBa 2014) contains about 7,500entries and is intended for schoolteachers and specialists in Saami andother Finno-Ugric languages. It was created as a result of hertranslation of Astrid Lindgren's book "PippiLongstocking" into the Kildin Saami language. According to theintroduction to the dictionary, written by E. Scheller, it is anadditional tool for reading "[TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]"("Pippi Longstocking" in Kildin Saami) and the initial planwas to create a simple list of words to support the reading of thisbook. But in the process of writing, the concept of the dictionary waschanged and thus the author decided to compile a more extensivevocabulary (AHTOHOBa 2014 : 5). Therefore the dictionary contains notonly the vocabulary necessary to read "Pippi Longstocking" butalso a wider group of words--spoken language and words that reflect thetraditional material and spiritual life of the Kola Saami in themid-2010s.

Such dictionaries, in our opinion, should include not onlylinguistic, but also cultural information, in order to perform theirfunction as required by science and in terms of modern communication.This position is not new.

The theory and practice of teaching a foreign language has longestablished the need to consider the cultural factors of a personspeaking the foreign language. As early as 1964 Lado mentioned the needfor a constant comparison of a foreign language and culture with thoseof the language learners, and gave examples of the results of such acomparison between the form and content of the relevant languages (inparticular their lexical structures) and cultures, using the parametersof form, meaning, and distribution (Lado 1964 : 85, 87).

The issue of the appropriate amount of cultural connotation in abilingual dictionary has been repeatedly brought up by linguists (seeSvensen 1987; [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] 2004). Berkov mentionsthat all the more-or-less serious dictionaries include some linguisticand cultural knowledge, but that representation of this knowledge is notsystematic. Some aspects of culture should be commented on in fullrather than only in regard to their differences in different cultures([TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] 2004 : 162--171).

Reflection of culture in a bilingual dictionary is vital. Thecultural elements that should certainly be present in a bilingualdictionary include artifacts, social life, history specific to a certainculture, the so-called culture-bound words requiring cultural commentarybecause of the denotatum (reference).

The introductions to the dictionaries note that the translation ofsome Kola Saami words could be augmented by explanations to clarify themeaning of the word, or restrict its use, especially if the equivalentis rare in Russian literary language (CPC 10; KepT 1986 : 8).

Analysis of those three bilingual dictionaries of the Kildin Saamilanguage shows that the most detailed cultural comments are presented inCPC. In the dictionaries by Kert and Antonova the number of culturalcomments is much smaller and they are not as detailed. InAntonova's dictionary many of the realia have definitions in theform of descriptive translations, for example: [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE INASCII] 'the lower part of the traditional Kola Saami travelbag' (AHTOHOBA 2014 : 48); [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]'skiing, padded by kamys (koyba)' (AHTOHOBA 2014 : 87).

The comments presented in brackets in CPC deal with the followingaspects of meaning: a) attributes (appearance, components, traditions);b) functions (purpose, role); c) symbols.

1. Attributes may give details of appearance, components, ortraditions. In certain cases a dictionary article provides a detailedcomment on the appearance of realia. E.g.: poaee 'a blanket ofreindeer skin (sewn of woolly reindeer skins with hair inside; thebottom part is a pocket of about 50 cm where 2 or 3 persons can puttheir feet; the top is bell-shaped, body sides are tucked up init)' (CPC 293); [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] 'a belt (formen, made of yuft or cowhide, 10 cm wide, clasped by ornamented metalbuckles. The celebratory belt is decorated by an ornament of metal orbone; on the left side a sheath is attached with chains to the belt, onthe right it has a leather sack for papers, etc.) (CPC 346); Tohn'a sheath (a case for the hunting knife, usually hollowed out froma whole piece of birch and covered with yuft, can be made of two halvessewn together using reindeer tendons; fastened to a leather belt bymeans of chains)' (CPC 355).

More often the comments describe certain components of realia.E.g.: [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] 'felt boots with leathersoles (knee-high, female or children's, made of koyba; decorated onseams with coloured cloth, the front part is decorated by ornamentedkoyba of a contrasting colour, e.g., ornamented with reindeer heads withantlers)' (CPC 31-32); [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]'apack-saddle, sabretache (a crossbeam with bottom ends fixed by beltsunder the reindeer's abdomen and with a load suspended from its topend)' (CPC 32); [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] 'a bow-shapedscraper for the dressing of small skins (on two perpendicular boards;the horizontal board is used for seating)' (CPC 33); [TEXT NOTREPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] 'a long board used for fishing (a tool forice fishing, a long narrow board with a pointed end and a hole at theother end for net ropes; the board with the net is extended from icehole to ice hole)' (CPC 48).

In certain cases the information is very important for the life ofnorthern people ([TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] 'a three-year-oldmale deer (at this age they begin to be trained for team driving)'(CPC 52)) and in some cases a recipe is provided ([TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLEIN ASCII] 'a dish prepared of black crowberries with reindeer fat;hot reindeer fat is poured over cold crowberries, each berry is coveredby fat)' (CPC 99)).

Sometimes attributes express the dynamics of the culture: [TEXT NOTREPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] 'a crossbeam with hooks for suspension ofteapots or pots over a fire; sometimes a stick with a movable knotjoined to the crossbeam by means of a rope loop was used; now metalhooks on chains are used, up to three hooks are suspended over thefire' (CPC 19).

2. Function (purpose, role). In the overwhelming majority of casesthe function of a piece of realia (its purpose, role) depends on theconditions of the people's life. In order to survive in severeconditions it is important to indicate the object's purpose. Forexample: [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] 'a doe (a female reindeerfrom 4 to 8 -10 years; the strongest and wisest becomes the herdleader)' (CPC 23); [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] 'withthick fur (e.g., a reindeer) [---] (reindeers slaughtered in winter havethick fur, their pelt is used to make footwear, blankets, etc.; fells ofreindeers slaughtered in autumn are used for making overcoats)'(CPC 53); Taonb 'a pole, a pyramid (of about 1.5 m, installed attops of tundra hills for orientation)' (CPC 340).

3. Symbols. When referring to symbols of realia in this article wemean certain facts known to every native speaker and connected to therole of the realia in the culture. Knowledge of such facts helpsindividuals to feel a part of the ethnos, enabling them to define theirbehaviour (in this case language behaviour) against the particularstandards used within this ethnos, its verbal and behavioural cliches.

The status of a piece of realia in a given culture is influenced byseveral factors such as the role of the realia (e.g. in rituals,ceremonies, or in the country and life of the people) and itstraditional understanding (in images in folklore and literature,cliches, images of everyday life, official and informal symbols of thecountry etc.). A symbol always brings a traditional image to the mind ofa native speaker, a typical situation connected with religious,mythological, or traditional ideas. Therefore the indication of realiasymbols in a bilingual dictionary should include the following: a)religious and mystical symbols; b) traditional and everyday lifesymbols; c) political symbols.

Such information will be country-specific as it representsassociations typical of this culture and helps native speakers tounderstand it.

Different groups of objects can have specific symbols. As expected,the analysis of the dictionary showed that, first of all, it is naturalphenomena that possess symbolic connotations (e.g. [TEXT NOTREPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] 'dipper (literally, a divine bird; accordingto Saami beliefs this bird brought to God a blade of grass that producedthe Earth)' (CPC 91)). Some generalizations are a result ofcenturies-old life experience (e.g.: [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]'talkative, garrulous'; [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]'children who think like adults don't live a long life(according to the Saami beliefs that children who grow up intellectuallydon't live a long life)' (CPC 109)). Another class ofreferences worthy of inclusion are those to the religious andmythological ideas of the Saami people (e.g. cahhn 'spell,word'; [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] 'to buy a spell(according to the Saami beliefs a spell will not be valid unless you payfor it)' (CPC 315)).

In general we consider the dictionary CPC to be a very successfulrepresentation of the realia of Saami life (both words and concepts). Itdescribes peculiarities of the local material culture, for example: furclothes for protection from bitter frosts, loads of meat as a result ofhunting; movable houses suitable for a nomadic life; fishery; andreindeer breeding (see [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] 1998 : 14).

The comments in brackets sometimes include fundamentally importantcultural information. In our opinion, this information is notsupplementary but essential: [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] 'aplace in a tent of skin and bark for sleeping (lateral side)' (CPC162); nynnc 'a place in a tent of skin and bark for food and dishes(in the part opposite the door)' (CPC 168).

Spatial characteristics (width, depth, floor to ceiling height,length) as well as size are important for the Saami people. For example:nyppk 'the bottom part of a branched reindeer antler' (CPC272); [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] 'a skin (of a largeanimal)' (CPC 362); [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] 'a skinof a small animal' (CPC 138); hahkb 'a skin with short sleekfur' (CPC 205); [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] 'long fur onthe reindeer neck' (CPC 224); [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]'a short tail (of a deer, hare, sheep, etc.)' (CPC 255); pejjm'the top part of a net (a thick rope with loops and the net toit)' (CPC 292); pecc 'cell width of the top net row' (CPC292); majjk 'a large whitefish' (CPC 180).

However, from the lexicographic point of view, some comments arenot very clear. In this respect, it is necessary to keep in mind thatthe explanations (comments) are provided for a non-native speaker andshould therefore be focused on the needs of the people of anotherculture (material and spiritual). Therefore it is not clear, forexample, why the comment 'untrained reindeer are sent toslaughter' has been added to the word eppbk 'a male reindeer,a stag (from 5 to 12 -15 years; untrained reindeer are sent toslaughter)' (CPC 81). According to ethnographic researchers of theSaami people trained stags were used for any kind of activity and work.The tame or island reindeer used for riding with a load pack or in ateam ([TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] 2003 : 69) were the most trainedstags.

A person not aware of the peculiarities of cloudberry ripening(inhabitants of the northern regions of Russia who are native speakersof Russian are aware of it all right) face difficulties in understandingthe comment added to [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] ('an unripeberry, usually about cloudberries of red colour') (CPC 398). Acloudberry is a berry that is red when unripe, orange and yellow whenripe.

However, the comment in brackets to the word [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLEIN ASCII] ('a shoulder (of a reindeer)') seems to be important(CPC 35).

2. A new view of Kola Saami lexicography: cultural dictionaries

2.1. Why do we need a new type of Kola Saami dictionary?

To answer this question we need to consider what kind of adictionary is required by the user and this is sometimes connected withthe types of query they make (see also Zgusta 1971 : 304).

In our view, for the Saami ethnic group, two types of dictionariesare of most relevance: bilingual and linguo-culturological.

Bilingual dictionaries are needed by the Kola Saamis because fewSaamis speak their own language; they need training in the language andthat is why they need bilingual dictionaries, including a pedagogicalone. As Mosel (2011 : 9) observes, 'the traditional division ofdictionaries into monolingual and bilingual dictionaries does not needto be strictly observed in dictionaries of endangered languages becausethey are not primarily used for translation. According to Berkov ([TEXTNOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] 2004 : 4), bilingual dictionaries are alsotextbooks of a foreign language. We refer to them as dictionaries oflanguage.

Besides that, language reflects the culture of a speech communityand preserves components of the traditional culture that carry theessence of the life of the Saami ethnos. That is why it is veryimportant to preserve a unique vocabulary together with its uniquecultural information. A bilingual dictionary is not sufficient for this;a linguo-culturological one is needed. We refer to them as dictionariesof culture.

The importance of preserving the language and culture of indigenouspeoples thus produces the need for two types of dictionaries: bilingualand linguo-culturological (i.e. dictionaries of the Kola Saami languageand dictionaries of the Kola Saami culture), but thelinguo-culturological one is more important in my view. Another reasonto have linguo-culturological dictionaries for Kola Saami lexicographyis that such dictionaries serve as a resource for research and as arepository for language, supporting revitalisation and teaching in thespeech community (see Mosel 2011 : 2).

2.2. What is a linguo-culturological dictionary?

There is no single understanding of the term linguo-culturologicaldictionary in lexicography.

There is a dictionary type called a cultural dictionary. This is ageneral term for reference works which are both the result of culturalpractice and agents of its promotion (Hartmann, James 1998 : 50).Hartmann and James, the authors of the "Dictionary ofLexicography", have a wide understanding of the term culturologicaldictionary. In their opinion, culturological dictionaries include the"Longman Dictionary of English Language and Culture" which isintended to help students of English to understand the words and phrasesthat make up the complex fabric of English-speaking life and culture(Longman Dictionary of English Language and Culture 1992 : F 7). To thiseffect the body of each entry includes cultural notes, which givedetailed information about the associations that words have for nativespeakers of English (Longman Dictionary of English Language and Culture1992 : F 27). This is, consequently, a culturological dictionary of thecountry-specific type intended for non-native speakers (languagelearners).

At the same time, "Cultural Literacy. What Every AmericanNeeds to Know" (Hirsch, Kett, Trefil 1988) is also classified asculturological. It is based on the principle of being usable by anAmerican with limited cultural literacy and provides information aboutrealia of different countries. It is a culturological dictionary of theencyclopaedic type, intended for speakers of the language and recordsall the information required of a person to be considered conversantwith the culture of America.

The term linguo-culturological dictionary, which has appearedlately in Russian lexicography, differs slightly in content from theterm culturological dictionary. While culturological dictionaries meandictionaries and reference books dealing with specific phenomena ofmaterial and spiritual culture as well as corresponding realia andconcepts seen in development and change ([TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE INASCII] 2003 : 198), then linguo-culturological dictionaries are definedas a result of integration of knowledge from various fields ofhumanities, presenting content related to cultural phenomena in alexicographical form. The importance of encyclopaedic information isemphasized in these dictionaries, along with the identification of thesemantic potential of a word, how it accumulates cultural weight.Culturological dictionaries vary in form and include both referencebooks prepared by the historians and ethnographers of the nineteenthcentury and dictionaries of everyday life and culture compiled today. InRussian linguistics, linguo-culturological dictionaries are limited tothe publications of contemporary authors (e.g. [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE INASCII] 2000; [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] 20016; [TEXT NOTREPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] 2003).

2.3. The Kola Saami linguo-culturological dictionaries: theory andpractice of dictionary-making

2.3.1 Selection of material for definition

The gathering of material for the dictionaries of the Kola Saamilanguage is complicated by several linguistic and extralinguisticfactors.

The extralinguistic factors include the ageing of the nativespeakers of the Kola Saami language and the limited quantity ofethnographic materials and written sources available. The latter isconnected with the history of the Kola Saami people and the Kola Saamialphabet.

The extralinguistic factors include the existence of a large numberof dialects and sub-dialects of the Kola Saami language, which can beconsidered Kola Saami languages, and thus a large number of spelling andgraphical options. In our fieldwork we met indigenous interviewees whofelt very embarrassed when they were asked about a word they hadforgotten or could not write down.

One of the main problems when compiling dictionaries for the KolaSaami languages is the lack of a standardized orthography. As thestandardization of the orthography is still under discussion, it can bedifficult to choose a spelling. In the case of the Kola Saami languagesit is the subject of an endless debate among linguists and the Saamicommunity. The Kildin Saami language on which the Kola Saami alphabet isbased has two orthographies. One of them was created by Kert and is usedin his dictionary (KepT 1986), while the other--a group initiative--wasused in CPC 1985. Alternative spellings cannot be avoided and this canmake it difficult to find a word in the Kola Saami bilingualdictionaries (see also KepT 2009 : 14-19).

The selection of cultural information for Kola Saamilinguo-culturological dictionaries should be guided by a cognitiveprinciple: orientation towards the knowledge of a native speaker.

Definitions in the dictionaries of languages of small-numberedindigenous peoples reflect an ordinary level of cognition, based ondirect personal experience. This kind of cognition is therefore moreindividualized than scientific cognition. But such an approach hasadvantages in terms of the variety of solutions and breadth of search.The building of a dictionary of the Kola Saami language indeed reflectssuch an experience: in the absence of a live speaking environment, withrestraints on the use of the language in private and public life, thesenior age of active speakers, and the speakers being separated from thelanguage habitat--their material and spiritual culture--it is natural toturn to the cognitive, not to the communicative essence of thebackground knowledge, and typical ways of finding out the backgroundknowledge of a language speaker (interviews, analysis of definitions invarious types of dictionaries and the study of texts of fiction andjournalism) cannot be used in full. In such a situation, a researchershould record all the knowledge of a language speaker, making nodistinction between personal and social. The language speaker relatinghis personal experience will present the typical and usual, because thisis the only record of the social environment in which the informant grewup.

2.3.2. The structure of the dictionary

The Saami Language Lab of the Murmansk State Humanities University(Murmansk, Russia) has published the dictionaries of the Saami spiritualculture lexis ([TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] 2013) and the Saamitraditional trades and husbandry lexis ([TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]2014).

Our experience has shown that dictionaries of a dying language havetheir own specificity which is due to their users, word lists anddefinitions.

These dictionaries of spiritual and material culture fulfil theprimary task of our research--recording the present state of the Saamilanguage in the speech community. As such, the dictionaries exercise avery important function--preservation of traditional worldviewcomponents that carry the essence of the life of a northern ethnos. Theway in which small-numbered indigenous peoples live is determined mainlyby three factors: natural conditions, type of displacement, and type ofeconomy, the latter two of which define the type of culture. Theirknowledge reflects a more archaic, fundamental attitude of humanity tothe world, an attitude from the viewpoint of the sense and utilitarianvalues of folk culture.

Our dictionaries look like bilingual dictionaries; that is, foreach original word in the Saami language they contain a dictionary entrywith a translated equivalent, which is most often a description. But themain attention in the dictionaries is paid not to the grammaticalcharacteristics of a word but to culturological commentary, whichreflects the background knowledge of a speaker. For example: "[TEXTNOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] 'apiece of boiled meat'. Just like ancient Lappish women, in the 19thcentury the Saami habituated babies to reindeer meat by placing a pieceof meat onto the lips of a baby so that the baby could suck the meatjuice out. Sometimes such training started half a year after ababy's birth, sometimes later (Xapyenh 1890 : 311). Children werealso fed the best pieces of adult meals: reindeer bone marrow, fishviscera etc. (Bohkob 1939 : 56). A breastfed child was given a piece ofreindeer meat to suck. Thus, babies were habituated to meat from thecradle ([TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] 2003 : 63)"; "[TEXTNOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] 'national meal made of boiled fish andcloudberry' (KepT 1986 : 65). Freshly boiled whitefish are salted alittle, filleted, mixed with ripe cloudberries and dressed with fishoil--and the salad is ready ([TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] 2005 :156). Mixture of fish with cloudberries ([TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE INASCII]) (Bonkob 1939 : 47)".

As can be seen from the examples, the definitions in ourdictionaries are typical for a bilingual dictionary where culturologicalcommentary is added to the translated equivalent. As I see it, the mainpurpose of our dictionaries is the preservation of unique aspects ofculture and language in the relevant area of the culture of asmall-numbered indigenous people. This is why the starting point for usis a notion or concept, not a word.

2.3.3. Advantages of the thematic approach

Our dictionaries of the Kola Saami language follow the thematicapproach which is an alternative to the alphabetic approach. The choiceof themes is determined by certain subject areas; in our dictionaries,objects of the spiritual and material culture of the indigenous people.

Thus the dictionary of the Kola Saami spiritual culture lexis([TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII], 2013) includes vocabulary on thefollowing topics: Religious Faiths, Life Cycle Ordinances, FolklifeArts, and Festivities. In the dictionary of the Kola Saami traditionaltrades and husbandry lexis ([TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] 2014) thevocabulary is arranged in six topics: Reindeer Husbandry, Fishing,Hunting, Foraging, Sheep Husbandry, and Zootomy and Zoophysics. Thesetopics include subtopics, sections and subsections. For instance,Reindeer Husbandry contains the following subtopics: Domestic Reindeer,Reindeer Herders and Unions of Reindeer Herders, Reindeer Herders'Gear, Reindeer Distinguishing Marks, Reindeer-Herding Dogs, Places andStructures for Herding, Keeping, Counting and Culling of Reindeer,Reindeer Harness and Sledge, Reindeer Pack Load, Reindeer Slaughter andReindeer Skin Treatment. The subtopic Domestic Reindeer includes suchsections as Reindeer Buck, Reindeer Doe, Reindeer Fawn, Reindeer byHousehold Use, Reindeer by Position in a Team, Reindeer by Having/NotHaving Antlers, and so on. The Reindeer Fawn section includes thesubsections Reindeer Fawn from Birth to Three Months, Reindeer Fawn fromThree to Six Months, Reindeer Fawn from Six to Eighteen Months.

In my view, the use of such a structure for the dictionaries forthe Kola Saami languages preserves the interpretation of the meaningintended by the native speakers and thus also the unique culture of somesmall-numbered indigenous peoples in the Far North.

Conclusions

Research on the current sociolinguistic situation of the Kola Saamilanguages shows that the creation of a comprehensive dictionary isextremely important for endangered language communities.

Such a dictionary is the only future for Kola Saami lexicography.The first step in compiling such a dictionary is, in my view, to createdictionaries that contain not only linguistic but also culturalinformation. Like most linguists who compile dictionaries of minority orendangered languages I have applied the thematic approach, in whichlexicographers work on particular semantic domains selected by thespeech community because of their cultural significance.

In our opinion, it is essentially important to preserve theinformation on realia. The contents of a definition for a realia in sucha dictionary represent the background knowledge of a cast of Saamilanguage speakers and culture bearers.

http://dx.doi.Org/10.3176/lu.2016.1.05

Acknowledgements

The research was carried out as part of a national project of theMinistry of Education and Science of the Russian Federation in2014--2016 (Project 545).

I would like to thank my colleagues, students, and the Kildin Saaminative speakers, as well as the representatives of Kola Saami peopleswho helped me with my collection of Kildin Saami language material, gaveinterviews, and answered questionnaires and polls.

I am grateful to Professor Georgij Kert and especially grateful tothe teacher of the Kildin Saami language, the Saami activist AleksandraAntonova, who agreed to take part in all our projects.

O. N. IVANISCEVA (Murmansk)

Address

Olga Ivanishcheva

Murmansk State Humanities University

Murmansk Arctic State University

E-mail: [emailprotected]

Abbreviations

CPC--[TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] 1985.

REFERENCES

Hartmann, R. R. K., James, G. 1998, Dictionary of Lexicography,London--New York.

Hirsch, E. D., Jr., K e 11, J. F., T r e f i l, J. S. 1988,Cultural Literacy. What Every American Needs to Know, New-York.

Ivanishcheva, O. N. 2014, The Kola Saami Languages. ContemporarySociolinguistic Situation.--Advances in Social Sciences ResearchJournal, Vol. 1, No. 6, 96-109.http://scholarpublishing.org/index.php/ASSRJ/article/view/552/552.

Lado, R. 1964, Linguistics across Cultures. Applied Linguistics forLanguage Teachers, Ann Arbor.

Longman Dictionary of English Language and Culture, London 1992.

Mosel, U. 2011, Lexicography in endangered language communities.http:// www.linguistik.uni-kiel.de/sldr/stuff/CUP_Mosel_Lexicography140809.pdf.

Sammallahti, P. 1998, The Saami Languages. An Introduction,Karasjok.

Svensen, B. 1987, Handbok i lexikografi. Principer och metoder iordbok sarbete, Stockholm.

Zgusta, L. 1971, Manual of Lexicography, The Hague--Paris.

Ahtohoba A. A. 2014, [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII].

[TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]. 2004, [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE INASCII].

[TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] 2005, [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE INASCII]

[TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]. 1939, [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE INASCII], 49-50.

[TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]http://www.gks.ru/free_doc/new_site/ perepis2010/perepis_itogi1612.htm.

[TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] 2013, [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE INASCII].

[TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] 2014, [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE INASCII].

Kapaynob IO. H. 2002, [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII].

Keptr. M. 1986, [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII].

--2009, [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]